LONDON: On May 24, Sri Lanka President Ranil Wickremesinghe arrived on a three-day official visit to Japan, his second visit to the country, having attended the state funeral of former prime minister Shinzo Abe last September.
This would also be President Wickremesinghe's second summit with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, the first having been on the sidelines of the Shinzo Abe funeral, signaling the importance of Japan in Sri Lanka's foreign policy rethinking and a move away from over-reliance on China.
President Wickremesinghe's visit has more significance than economic persuasion — trying to encourage Japanese investors to return to Sri Lanka after a couple or more bad experiences in recent years.
Under the Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, Colombo reneged on major projects agreed to, including a major Light Rail Transit (LRT) in Colombo for which the basic work had already begun.
Colombo dropped it without any prior notice to Japan and also went back on a tripartite agreement with Japan and India (and Sri Lanka) on the development of the Colombo port's east terminal.
At his meeting with Prime Minister Kishida, Wickremesinghe expressed regret over his country's past relations with Japan and said Colombo was ready to restart the dropped projects.
Wickremesinghe's visit, however, is more than to revive economic cooperation at a time when Sri Lanka is passing through hard times having declared itself bankrupt in April last year. It had to turn to the IMF for a rescue package that would help pull the country out of the economic morass into which it had fallen- or been pushed into it — by mediocre governance and incompetent advisers.
His new relationship with Japan covers a broader canvas that surpasses bilateral relations though to a struggling Sri Lankan people burdened right now by high taxes, increasing tariffs on utilities and unbearably steep prices on domestic commodities, day-to day-existence presents the immediate priority.
Meanwhile, small industries and businesses are shutting up unable to bear operating costs such as huge electricity rates — and higher water rates to come — throwing people out of jobs.
At the same time, professionals such as doctors, engineers, surveyors, and IT and technically qualified personnel are quitting the country, having found employment abroad or in search of fresh opportunities both in the developed and developing world.
Japan has been particularly helpful in advocating Sri Lanka's case at the Paris Club on debt restructuring as called for in the IMF program and has not joined hands with the West in castigating Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva as the US, the UK, Canada and some European nations have done. Japan's approach is more sober, benign.
Furthermore, Colombo, embroiled as it is in delicate diplomacy at a time when Indian Ocean politics is becoming more complicated and confrontational, sees Japan along with India and the West as a countervailing force to China's expanding naval activity and presence in the region.
But there are two other reasons that drive President Wickremesinghe's interest in establishing closer relations with Tokyo. One is national. The other personal though some might not see it that way.
The national motive is to create more distance in Sri Lanka's relations with China that had become too close for comfort under the Rajapaksas (both presidents Mahinda and Gotabaya) for a country that could find itself caught in a gathering geopolitical storm given its geostrategic location and China's continuing interest in widening its footprints and influence in Sri Lanka.
Xi Jinping and his ruling clan would rather see the Rajapaksas back in the seats of power than Wickremesinghe who they consider pro-Western in his thinking, especially pro-Washington.
Moreover, one may conclude that Wickremesinghe sees Japan as a more reliable friend and one without superpower ambitions.
The other is the strong bond Japanese leaders have developed for and with Sri Lanka dating back to the 1951 San Francisco Conference when some 48 countries met to draft a post-war peace treaty for defeated Japan.
One wonders whether many modern-day observers realize the important role that Ceylon, as it was called then, played at that conference, largely due to the performance of Ceylon's then-Finance Minister Junius Richard Jayewardene, popularly known as "JR."
Jayewardene, who earned the sobriquet "Yankee Dicky" at home for his pro-US proclivities and in 1978 was Sri Lanka's first executive president, was Ranil Wickremesinghe's uncle.
In an article, former Sri Lanka Ambassador Bandu de Silva wrote some eight years ago, he recalls the critical role Ceylon played at the time and an earlier meeting of the Commonwealth Foreign Ministers in Colombo that for the first time proposed that Japan be declared an independent nation.
Ambassador de Silva states that Wikipedia's account of the conference states Minister Jayewardene's speech was received with resounding applause. Later, the New York Times wrote, "The voice of free Asia, eloquent, melancholy and still strong with the tilt of an Oxford accent, dominated the Japanese peace treaty conference today."
What is it that Minister Jayewardene said when the very future of Japan was being debated and discussed that has endured Japan's leaders and its people to a tiny Indian Ocean-island that itself suffered from Japanese air raids on Colombo in April 1942 and the British naval base in northeastern Trincomalee and had gained independence only three years earlier in 1948?
While some other nations called for curbs on Japan and demanded compensation for war-time damage, Ceylon not only urged an independent Japan free to build its future and renounced its right to reparations from Japan.
"Hatred does not cease by hatred but by love," Jayewardene told the conference quoting the words of The Buddha. Interestingly Sri Lanka and Japan are both Buddhist countries though following two different schools.
Records show that when Japan offered to construct a new building for the Ceylon Embassy in Tokyo, the Colombo government politely turned it down.
Perhaps the foundation of the friendship between the two nations is best set out by the Japanese ambassador at the 50th anniversary commemoration of diplomatic relations held in Colombo in 2002.
Recalling JR Jayewardene's speech at the San Francisco Conference, Ambassador Seiichiro Otsuka said: "In the grim aftermath of the war, as Japan began to rise from the ashes and rebuild its nation, it was the government and people of Sri Lanka, then Ceylon, who extended their genuine hand of friendship to the Japanese people.
"Japan and the Japanese people have been indeed grateful to Sri Lanka for the friendship and magnanimity extended to us at the time of our difficulties by the government and people of Sri Lanka. It is in this spirit that Japan has stood firmly and steadfastly side by side with Sri Lanka as a true friend and a constructive partner for Sri Lanka's development. Indeed, 50 years of our cooperative bilateral relations have been guided, on our part, by this spirit which Mr Jayewardene spoke of at San Francisco on September 8,1951... friendship and trust."
Minister Jayewardene's strong and clear support for Japan's independence, however, might have had a setback for Ceylon elsewhere.
With the East-West Cold War beginning to get warmer, the Soviet Union proposed amendments to the Japan peace treaty would have restricted Japan's freedom of action.
Ceylon's representative took it upon himself to counter Soviet Union objections. At one point, Jayewardene turned sarcastic, saying the amendments with which the Soviet Union sought to "insure to the people of Japan the fundamental freedoms of expression, of press and publication, of religious worship, of political opinion and of public meeting — freedoms, which the people of the Soviet Union themselves would dearly love to possess and enjoy."
Some might well argue that Moscow took its revenge on Ceylon for Jayewardene's public rebuke by blocking Ceylon's admission as a member to the United Nations for some years, arguing that Ceylon was not an independent country as it had a defense treaty with the UK.
How Ceylon gained admission to the UN in 1956 is the result of a quid pro quo with Moscow. But that is another story.
Neville de Silva is a veteran Sri Lankan journalist who held senior roles in Hong Kong at The Standard and worked in London for Gemini News Service. He has been a correspondent for the foreign media including the New York Times and Le Monde. More recently he was Sri Lanka's Deputy High Commissioner in London.2023-06-04T18:09:09Z dg43tfdfdgfd